The french, (Quebecois in perticular) have never EVER liked the english for one common reason. Patriotism.
Canada, being a colony of Great Britian, was forced into fighting, this meant that the French Canadians had to as well. The dilema was that they were being forced to fight for a country
that had just beaten their own.
French vs English is like Ford vs Chevy.. Born to be rivals.
Hopefully I remebered a bit from history class... Correct me If I'm wrong
Just been beaten? It was more like 140 years (French defeat at Quebec city [1759], followed by fall of Montréal) until the sovereignty (and class, language, race, culture) argument was brought to the fore by the Boer War [1899].
Keep in mind Quebecois
were (& are) Canadians by 1899. The French Revolution, and indeed many of the revolutions that swept Europe between 1840-1914, meant for Canada the dream of 'nationhood', fostered by the then-novel concept of nationalism. The French who weathered the British defeat were not the same, highly integrated, wealthy, and politically disproportionately-influential population that resided in Quebec ca. 1900. They were not crushed by a "recent" defeat, so much as galvanized in the certitude of Canada's autonomy (and future international involvement), which at that time was only domestic. So rather than being upset over having to fight for a country "who had just defeated their own", they were quite upset about the demonstrated lack of choice that Canada had in the matter.
The debate, primarily, was taken up by two Quebecers: Henri Bourassa and Sir Wilfrid Laurier.
Laurier's vision of Canada as a single, unified, whole was as important to the forging of a Canadian identity as Bourassa's campaign for equal Québec rights was for the people of Québec. The problem, if it can described as such, is that those two goals happened to coincide at the same time and place—and worse—during a moment of national strain (the Boer War question) and rapid provincial development.
Arguably, Bourassa's demands of the federal government, which required a level of oratorical assault and propagandistic rhetoric in order to secure support, could be conceived as having been detrimental to Roman-Catholic Québec's relationship with the rest of an Anglo-Saxon and increasingly Americanised, material 'Canada'. His rhetoric was borderline militant and actually similar in tone to some of the Christian fundamentalism we witness today; his vision was of a utopic, Catholic agrarian society, rich in virtue and untainted by the increasingly powerful and exploitative—not to mention propped up by the federal government—industrial centre that was Montréal.
Laurier's focus on national cohesion, growth, and elimination of the rampant corruption inherited from the previous Conservative government, necessarily meant that he could not devote time to countering such characterizations of him and the Liberal government. But one small nagging factor remained: the position of the Boers in relation to Imperial Britain was roughly analogous of those in Québec. Such a similarity was difficult to overlook, and with Laurier—the man who brought Québec to national prominence—bearing the responsibility for representing Canada in that war, his solution in lieu of army involvement was to send militia volunteers, and a concession like that simply could not please the majority of francophone Canada.